The Scottish BAFTA award winning actress also has an impressive stage career performing in prestigious stages including The Globe. Women’s representation in the UK Parliament does not rate highly in international comparisons, and this is true for Scottish representation as well. Following the 2019 general election, the UK was listed in 39th place in global rankings, with 33.9 percent of its parliament as women members .
- We are here to build an inclusive community, to have fun and form friendships, to campaign, to learn, to share and to socialise.
- Still only 25, Rangers’ forward Lizzie Arnot has enjoyed a supremely successful career already.
- One of the two pioneering female honorary members of the Royal Astronomical Society, Mary Somerville was a 19th-century polymath and science writer.
- You may not recognise her under all that make up, but she can be seen alongside the rest of Marvel’s superheroes – playing the character of Nebula in both Guardians of the Galaxy movies as well as The Avengers.
- Following her divorce Walton worked as a mural painter, theatre designer, illustrator and for the BBC.
This overview of Scottish women’s parliamentary representation is structured around several questions, addressed by both historians and political scientists. It provides a statistical summary of candidates, MPs, MSPs, and party affiliations, complementing previous work, and tracks incremental gains in women’s representation over time. Each section, firstly on the UK Parliament, and, secondly, on the Scottish Parliament, discusses candidates, women voters, parties’ records of getting women elected, political careers, and whether women politicians have acted to further ‘women’s interests’. In conclusion, the article outlines key factors underlying the growth in women’s representation, and suggests areas for future investigation.
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However, she came back to become the first British woman to win gold in the 1500 metres at the 2018 European Indoor Championships a few months later, a title which she retained the following year. In 2018 Muir also made the headlines by breaking the long-standing British indoor mile record, shaving 5 seconds off the 31-year old record. She is the youngest woman to summit both sides of Mount Everest and in 2019 became the first woman ever to ski solo to the South Pole. With her recent, amazing successes, Molly is the perfect person to chat to as we celebrate Scotland’s amazing women. Better known as her social handle (@lesswastelaura), Laura is a Scotland-based environmental activist and TedX speaker.
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We are here to build an inclusive community, to have fun and form friendships, to campaign, to learn, to share and to socialise. Add into the mix that Scotland’s top tier now has three fully-professional women’s clubs and the outlook of the women’s game in Scotland has never been brighter. All legal advice and representation provided through the SWRC is by the solicitors of JustRight Scotland.
The parties achieving the highest numbers of elected women representatives, in Scotland, as in many countries, have been social democratic in character. Formal and informal measures to increase women’s representation were crucial to this process, with Labour initially leading, now followed by the SNP. The Unionists/Conservatives demonstrated the capacity to support women candidates earlier in the twentieth century, but since the 1980s the general decline of Conservative fortunes in Scotland has resulted in a dearth of Conservative women MPs. In the Scottish Parliament, smaller parties of the left have had some success in getting women elected through the use of specific strategies for selection, although their levels of representation have been vulnerable when only small numbers have been elected. The changes in the political landscape in Scotland since 1999 certainly suggest that no single party can be relied on to deliver and maintain equal representation over the longer term.
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Female illiteracy rates based on signatures among female servants were around 90 per cent, from the late seventeenth to the early eighteenth centuries and perhaps 85 per cent for women of all ranks by 1750, compared with 35 per cent for men. By the end of the fifteenth century, Edinburgh had schools for girls, sometimes described as « sewing schools », and probably taught by lay women or nuns. There was also the development of private tuition in the families of lords and wealthy burghers, which may have extended to women. From the mid-seventeenth century there were boarding schools for girls, particularly in Edinburgh or London. Initially these were aimed at the girls of noble households, but by the eighteenth century there were complaints that the daughters of traders and craftsmen were following their social superiors into these institutions.
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Although merely asking a question at a public meeting may not seem shocking today, in the 1900s, by being present at this meeting these women were breaking societal norms. A political meeting was seen as a public, masculine space, and women were expected to remain confined to their https://cupidbrides.com/scottish-brides/ ‘domain’ of the private and domestic. By being physically present, demanding admittance, and daring to make themselves heard, these women shocked the public and those present at the meeting; who, unable to tolerate a woman asking a question in public, physically ejected them.
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We do not do specific training on FGM although it is part of harmful practices. As Sara McHaffie said, that is how we will be training on it. We want to involve our survivors, and one of them is an active campaigner. I wanted to ask her to come today, but she is in Gambia so she could not come. She was part of the launch of the bill; she was on telly, which is good.
- The police also suggested that that problem could be mitigated by the inclusion of FGM in the Vulnerable Witnesses Act 2019.
- Do not look at FGM as a single issue; for us, it is always FGM plus something else.
- Sometimes, in the third sector, we carry that burden ourselves.
- Teachers have certain professional responsibilities in relation to child protection and equalities matters so, as a trade union and a professional association that represents teachers, the EIS has a particular interest in FGM.
- However, most practitioners and people in general are clear about the matter.
That is weighed against the risk that the Government might not go with him if he lodges a similar amendment at stage 3. I suppose that I am asking Oliver Mundell which of the two things is more important—and that was not a direct question to other members who might be thinking about supporting amendment 25, although they could perhaps think about it. I highlight that the Equality and Human Rights Commission supports the proposal to provide anonymity to victims of FGM. Indeed, the minister herself said in a letter to the committee at the start of the bill process—and it is also in the Government’s consultation analysis—that the Government is willing to listen to what the committee and Parliament think. I hope that by agreeing to amendment 25—albeit that the amendment is poorly drafted—the committee will demonstrate that it believes that there should be as close to a right to anonymity as is possible.
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They wanted help and support to be available, and not just through maternity services. We welcome the Scottish Government’s commitment to look at that further.
The bill provides targeted protection for under-16s and for those over 16 who fall outwith the child protection system who are perhaps not deemed vulnerable enough to be part of the adult protection system. Crucially, we want to wrap around and continue the level of protection for a girl at risk, even when she moves on from the child protection system and becomes a young adult. The care, attention, support and protection will all continue.
The Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act 2005 increased the maximum penalty to 14 years of imprisonment and changed the terminology from “circumcision” to “mutilation”. That removed any possible justification for the execution of such an act, and the aim was to ensure that the legal protection in Scotland was equal to that of the rest of the UK.
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Agenda item 3 is oral evidence on the Female Genital Mutilation Bill. All forms of female genital mutilation carry serious health consequences, including death. Glancing at the top baby names, it might surprise you how many Scottish girl names are among them. There’s Paisley, of course, the red-hot stunner that’s seen a meteoric rise in popularity. She’s a fun choice that parents can’t get enough of, and we totally see why. Isla is another Scottish gem, and with her gentle sound, it’s not a shocker to see her so well-loved. You’ll also find Mackenzie and her shorter sister McKenzie, names that are generally pronounced the same and full of spring and bounce, making them perfect for an energetic little one.
I am grateful for the comments that have been made by the minister about the intention to look at that issue and come back to the Equalities and Human Rights Committee prior to stage 2. The convener of our committee makes linked here a valid and very reasonable point. We perhaps need to have a wider discussion about the issue in the context of all sexual crime; I absolutely take Ruth Maguire’s intervention in the spirit in which it was offered.
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Consideration of how we fund such work is really important. Our demographics have changed forever, so we really need to think about that deeply within our processes, in order for us to get the knowledge. We are learning how to do that, but there are risks in what we do and how we process that.
The process of applying for legal aid is not simple or straightforward. The award is not made on the day that someone turns up and says that they need legal advice and legal aid. We are talking about a small number of very vulnerable people who are in a very difficult position. As members know, I sit on the Justice Committee as well—as Oliver Mundell did previously—and I know that the issue of legal aid comes up across the board. Recently, the committee dealt with the Vulnerable Witnesses Bill and heard some harrowing accounts in relation to that. Notwithstanding what is said in the letter, I do not think that there is any harm in putting the provision in the bill, because it still allows for the general rules of legal aid to be updated. It simply ensures that, regardless of what happens with that, there would be advice in those very specific circumstances.
Her people did not practise FGM, but her husband’s family did. They were Christian and believed that it was part of their religion and that it was rooted in other traditions. They expected the woman to undergo FGM before her marriage, but her husband did not want that to happen.
We bring in religious men to talk to people, and we give some examples. For example, Saudi Arabia is a totally Muslim country, but nothing is happening there. If FGM was related to Islam, Saudi Arabia would be one of the countries in which these things are done. North Africa is a predominantly Muslim area, but FGM is not practised there, except in the north-east, in Egypt, where the rate of practice is more than 90 per cent. The other question was about whether protection orders will lead people to go underground.
Until we have a system that works, in which professionals feel trained, competent and confident to raise the issue, there will always be people with doubts. In the past, people felt the same about domestic violence—they did not want to ask questions or broach the subject. Now, professionals are much more comfortable with doing that and it is routine. A month or so ago, I was at Glasgow airport working with the UK Border Force and Police Scotland on operation limelight and I needed to tell them about the importance of the use of language. ”, there is a good chance that she will not know what you are talking about, and some women might be very offended by the use of the term FGM. It is about finding out what words women use—what do they understand?
As far as I can see, all those questions have not been given sufficient consideration and no answers have been provided. Before I bring in the minister, I just say that the issue with amendment 25, which Oliver Mundell highlighted himself, is the potential for perpetrators to receive anonymity. Like everyone on the committee, I am open to the idea of anonymity. However, I would like to see something more substantial at stage 3 that would protect only the victim. As others have said, we have heard mixed views on anonymity.
I have spent the past 20 years doing different sorts of academic research trying to better understand ethnic and religious inequalities in a range of different social phenomena such as health and socioeconomic status and other sorts of experience. I have looked at outcomes in people’s lives and their lived experiences, as well as the impact on their sense of groupness—their group identity—and the interrelationships between those.